Friday, August 19, 2011

So Young: Oakland Combats Underage Prostitution



Alameda Patch

Just across the Estuary, Oakland is trying to reduce the number of teenage girls who are on the street and controlled by pimps. First in a series; watch for more stories this week.


Bay City News — On a gray, drizzly afternoon last March, it was mostly empty along Oakland's "Track," a section of International Boulevard in the middle of the city that is known as a hub for prostitution.
As the sun occasionally pierced through the clouds onto the bars, restaurants and shops that line the street, a young African American girl in a T-shirt and skinny jeans stood behind a bus stop at 29th Avenue, rubbing her arms against the cold.
"There's one," Oakland Police Officer Hamann Nguyen said as he drove by in an undercover police car.
Nguyen was pointing out underage girls working as prostitutes, a long-recognized problem in Alameda County that experts agree is only getting worse. 
Juvenile prostitution has reached epidemic proportions in Oakland, according to Sgt. Holly Joshi, a spokeswoman for the department who spent three years with Oakland's vice and child exploitation unit.
Nearly all the girls on the streets are controlled by pimps who claim their earnings. Many start as early as age 12 or 13.
They therefore aren't really prostitutes; they are commercially sexually exploited youth, Joshi says.
"Underage kids can't give consent to have sex, let alone sell it," Joshi said.
Federal law classifies recruiting minors for prostitution as a form of human trafficking, meaning they're understood to be victims of both civil rights violations and violent crime, such as statutory rape and other sex crimes.
Most of the girls recruited for prostitution come from single-parent homes and have been physically or sexually abused, according to service providers with Alameda County.
Ever since commercial sexual exploitation of youth was identified as a major problem in Alameda County about 10 years ago, public officials have responded with progressive policies that recognize the girls as victims; aggressive prosecution that has put pimps away for life; and regional collaborations that have become models for other cities. 
But experts agree that trafficking of minors is so low-risk and so lucrative for the pimps that growth of the criminal enterprise is outpacing legal and law enforcement developments — even in Alameda County, where a decade of awareness has led to prevention, suppression and rehabilitation techniques that are considered the national gold standard.
Nature of the Game
By the time "Samantha," a survivor of commercial sexual exploitation, was 10, her father was in jail and her mother was a drug addict who had exploited her daughter to fuel her own addiction, according to the Oakland nonprofit Motivating, Inspiring, Supporting and Serving Sexually Exploited Youth, or MISSSEY.
Samantha was removed from her mother's care and placed in a string of foster homes, and by age 12 she was being sexually abused and exploited by a pimp. Three years later, she was living on her own —and continuing to be sexually exploited — when police finally arrested her and identified her as a juvenile, thus beginning her long process of recovery. 
Alameda County officials identify hundreds of girls like Samantha every year who are working as prostitutes, controlled by physically and psychologically abusive pimps who take advantage of runaways, foster children and other at-risk youth. 
Nearly all of the women and girls working Oakland's streets and motels are controlled by pimps, who can make hundreds of thousands of dollars each year with a five-girl "stable," or group of prostitutes under their control, according to Sgt. Joshi.
It's a far different situation than the one police encountered during the 1970s and 1980s, according to Oakland police Officer Jim Saleda, who for years has overseen the department's vice and child exploitation unit.
Pimps used to be groomed by a dad or uncle and welcomed to the profession, he explained. They called pimping the "gentlemen's game" because they stayed out of other types of crime.
"Don't get me wrong," Saleda said.  "This was never a gentlemen's game. There were beatings — these pimps were always parasites."
But pimps used to consider themselves in a class above drug dealers and gangsters, he said. Gunplay was rarely involved in prostitution, and the women working the streets were adults with a distinctive look.
Now, pimps try to make their girls blend in, giving them backpacks and jeans so they will be mistaken for students instead of identified as commercially sexually exploited youth.
They target girls who have been neglected at best and abused at worst. A survey conducted by the county in 2007 found that 61 percent of the area's sexually exploited youth had been raped at least once prior to being exploited and were on average 11 years old during the first attack.
About 55 percent of the girls identified were foster care youth and 25 percent had been hospitalized at least once for a mental illness or episode, the study said.
Joshi said only a few of the girls she has worked with were in school, and most of them dropped out as they became more involved with their pimps.
This is the first in a series on underage prostitution in Oakland that will appear on Alameda Patch this week. Next: the pimps who lure and then control young girls.

Debt supercommittee lacks diversity



With House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) announcement Thursday of her three appointees to the bipartisan debt “supercommittee,” the panel’s 12-member roster is complete. It represents a broad range of ideological views, from House Republican Conference Chairman Jeb Hensarling (Tex.) on the right to Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.) on the left.
But the group’s membership is marked by a problem that has plagued Congress — a lack of gender and racial diversity.
Video
Congressional leaders have now named all dozen members to a special 'super' committee charged with making more deficit cuts, but it's unclear how they'll bridge the deep partisan divide over taxes and spending. (Aug. 11)
Congressional leaders have now named all dozen members to a special 'super' committee charged with making more deficit cuts, but it's unclear how they'll bridge the deep partisan divide over taxes and spending. (Aug. 11)
Video
President Barack Obama is calling on frustrated voters to tell Congress they're sick of gridlock and partisanship and want to see compromise to boost the faltering economy and create jobs. (Aug. 13)
President Barack Obama is calling on frustrated voters to tell Congress they're sick of gridlock and partisanship and want to see compromise to boost the faltering economy and create jobs. (Aug. 13)
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A who’s who of the debt supercommittee

Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) is the only woman on the panel. House Democratic Caucus Vice Chairman Xavier Becerra (Calif.) is the group’s only Hispanic. And House Assistant Democratic Leader James E. Clyburn (S.C.) is the only African American.
Neither Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) nor House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) appointed any women or minorities among their six picks for the panel.
Michael Steel, a spokesman for Boehner, said that when it comes to the task facing the supercommittee, “helping to get our debt and deficit under control to get the economy moving again and create more jobs is important to every American.”
Women make up 51 percent of the U.S. population, according to the most recent Census, but comprise just 17 percent of members of Congress, according to figures from the House and Senate press galleries.
Hispanics made up 16 percent of the country’s population in the 2010 Census and comprise 6 percent of the 112th Congress. And African Americans are 13 percent of the U.S. population and 8 percent of the Congress.
The Senate faces a particular lack of racial diversity: Its membership includes two Hispanics — Sens. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.) and Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) — and two Asian Americans — Sens. Daniel K. Inouye (D-Hawaii) and Daniel K. Akaka (D-Hawaii). No African American senators currently sit in the chamber; the last to serve was Roland Burris (D-Ill.), who retired last year from the seat formerly held by President Obama and was succeeded in November by Sen. Mark Kirk (R).
Some on the committee argue that experience, not gender or race, is the factor that matters most in the calculus of who takes part in the debt discussions.
“I’ve always said that we can be no more or less than what our experiences allow us to be, and if you’re going to put together this kind of effort on behalf of the country, you ought to have as many experiences and as many backgrounds as you possibly can participate in it,” Clyburn said in an interview Friday.
Even so, some lawmakers and outside groups have argued that if Congress has tapped the supercommittee to make decisions that affect the country as a whole, its membership should better reflect the country.
“Half the committee ought to be women, even though women only account for 17 percent of the Congress,” Terry O’Neill, the president of the National Organization for Women, said in an interview Friday. “Women are going to be disproportionately affected by what the committee does. I’m very troubled by the fact that these 11 men and one woman are now going to take the place of 535 legislators.”
With the likelihood that the panel will be examining proposals to cut entitlement programs, O’Neill noted that about 56 percent of Medicare recipients are women and that a large portion of Medicaid funding goes toward supporting nursing homes — facilities where the vast majority of residents and workers are women. On top of that, O’Neill said, women have less savings to fall back on due to “a lifetime of working for unequal pay.”
“The committee has to swallow hard and accept the truth that women are suffering and struggling and need help,” she said.
Rep. Charles A. Gonzalez (D-Tex.) chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, said that the stakes in the debt talks are particularly high for Hispanics.
“While every American would be impacted by the committee’s plan to reduce the deficit by $1.5 trillion, the Latino community has the most at stake if further cuts are made to programs critical to getting our economy back on track,” Gonzalez said. “Latino families have been greatly impacted by the housing crisis and recession, with unemployment rates for our community consistently higher than average.”
The supercommittee, however, better reflects the diversity of the country than have previous panels that were charged with tackling the nation’s debt.
During the closed-door talks led by Vice President Biden earlier this year, no women or Hispanics were at the table. One of the group’s six members was African American — Clyburn.
Similarly, the discussions led by the White House over the past several months involved another group of six participants — Obama, Biden and the top party leaders in each house of Congress. Among them were one African American, Obama, and one woman, Pelosi.
Neither of those rounds of negotiations was marked by a public outcry over who was, or wasn’t, sitting at the table.

The Koch Brothers And The Battle Over Integration in Wake County's Schools

Wake County Public Schools Protest

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The stakes in the battle over the Wake County Public School System in North Carolina couldn’t be higher.
On one side are the billionaire brothers, Charles and David Koch, and the Tea Party and libertarian groups they fund. On the other, parents, students and community leaders are bent on stopping measures passed by the conservative-led school board that they argue would re-segregate the county’s public schools, which had been a national model for diversity and integration.
Since 2000, Wake County has used a system of integration based on income. Under this program, no more than 40 percent of any school’s students could receive subsidized lunches, a proxy for determining the level of poverty. The school district is the 18th largest in the country, and includes Raleigh, its surrounding suburbs and rural areas. It became one of the first school systems in the nation to adopt such a plan.
But Wake County’s plan became a political flash point when five conservative candidates, bankrolled by Americans for Prosperity, a political activist group funded in part by the Kochs, were elected to the school board on a “neighborhood schools” platform that would dismantle the existing integration policy.

The new board touted their plan as one that would end busing and eliminate class, and subsequently race, as a factor for student school assignments. The “neighborhood schools” plan would assign students to schools closer to where they livedmeaning students from mostly poor and black communities would likely attend schools whose demographics were much the same. White children from well-heeled families would be more likely to attend schools filled with upper-middle class white children and enjoy more resources.
The elections led to heated protests. Under pressure from community groups and activists, the school board halted the plan for further review. It has since developed a number of alternative plans, though most of those would still have some re-segregating effect.
The NAACP filed a complaint with the Department of Justice in response, and there have been legal challenges based on its constitutionality.
“Our issues is how are the children, both black and white going to be cared for,” said the Rev. WIlliam Barber, who heads the North Carolina chapter of the NAACP. “When we argue for diversity it is not simply people need to be in close proximity to each other. Whenever you have racially identifieble, high-poverty schools, you also have corresponding with that under resources and high teacher turnover.”


The complaint filed by the NAACP contends that “African-American, Hispanic and mixed-race students and their families, have been injured by the intentionally racially discriminatory actions of a five-member majority of the Wake County Board of Education,” and that upon winning a majority the new board majority “immediately took drastic steps to reassign non-White students to schools with a higher percentage of non-White students than their prior school, and to reassign White students to schools with a higher percentage of white students than their prior school.”
Following the NAACP’s complaint, the United States Department of Education Office for Civil rights launched an investigation into the “neighborhood schools” plan, and in January, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan chided the Wake County school board in a letter to The Washington Post.
"America's strength has always been a function of its diversity, so it is troubling to see North Carolina's Wake County school board take steps to reverse a long-standing policy to promote racial diversity in its schools," wrote Duncan, who warned against other school boards adopting similar plans. "I respectfully urge school boards across America to fully consider the consequences before taking such action," Duncan wrote. "This is no time to go backward."
Opponents, like the filmmaker and activist Robert Greenwald, say at the heart of the battle is a larger fight over publicly-funded education and the Koch brothers commitment to funding activism that falls in line with their libertarian agenda.
“I don’t want to be a panic or hysteric, but if you can have the Koch brother billionaires, multi-billionaires, buying a school board election, where does it stop?” said Greenwald, a filmmaker and political activist who this morning released Koch Brothers Exposed: Why do the Koch Brothers Want to End Public Education?, a short film on the Koch Brothers role in the Wake County election.
“This money is buying ideology and that has a consequence,” he said. “It’s such a tough situation because here are local people with a school system that is working, that people are enjoying, that has created a good education, created diversity [and] created success.”
Michael Evans, who until last Friday was the school district’s chief spokesman, said that in March the board gave incoming superintendent Tony Tata the responsibility to come up with a new plan.But even as various plans are being developed and presented, the “neighborhood schools” plan has been tweaked. Students, for now, would not be sent back to their community schools. Evans said the hope is to make a decision on the new plan sometime in the early fall to put in place the following school year.
Parents and opponents of the new board’s actions are bracing for elections in October, fearing that if the conservative majority is maintained on the board, it will feel emboldened to push harder with their plans.
Rita Rakestraw, a Democrat who ran for a seat on the school board in 2009 and was defeated by an Americans for Prosperity conservative candidate, said that Democrats are gearing up for a tough pushback this time around, though only one of the board’s members is up for reelection.
“A lot of people are just disappointed, hoping that we can turn this thing around and vote in a better school board with these elections,” said Rakestraw, who is now active in the Great Schools in Wake Coalition, a group that has been critical of the current school board.
“It’s a crying shame that white conservatives from the Midwest and the Koch brothers would come into the South and pump millions of dollars into our elections to go back to segregated schools,” she said. “They need to get their nose out of our business.”

To be young, gifted, black and unemployed

To be young, gifted, black and unemployed




Are the long-term unemployed locked out of the workforce? It seems that way.
As the debt ceiling and budget battle between Republicans in Congress and President Obamarecedes, Democrats are attempting a tactical pivot to the jobs issue.
Many of us believe jobs should have been the principal legislative priority in the previous Congress, when Democrats held majority control of both houses, but instead focused on major initiatives like health care reform and bailing out American automakers.
The economy and jobs were the two most significant issues leading into last year's midterm elections. As a result, Republicans gained control of the House, along with a record 680 state legislative seats -- assuming control of 26 state legislatures. However, eight months after those legislators have taken their seats, the economy and job creation remains stagnant.
This does not bode well for the prospects of much of the jobless; people like me who have been out of the workforce for more than two years.
After watching Congress skirmish over every other policy point for the last two years, the fact that they are only now beginning to pivot to addressing jobs does not give me confidence that they will construct a solution, especially for the long-term unemployed.
We know the statistics by now: 14 million Americans are currently out of work; 6 million of those have been out of work for longer than six months, and 4.4 million for longer than a year.
Black unemployment is nearly twice the national average at 15.9 percent, and for black men,17.0 percent (from July 2011). If you are long-term jobless, your chances at finding work diminish as time goes on. Given these statistics, this renders people like me almost doomed to failure.
I have read about the employment problem constantly in the last eight months. Each time, the news gets more discouraging. If the long-term unemployed do face a stigma by the corporate workforce, what can we do to change that perception?
I have been on the market since 2007, but I have not worked since September 2008. I am currently studying for an Associates Degree in business, having made the Dean's List last semester, and with computer technical education completed in 1998. My skills have not diminished by any negligible margin.
Yet most companies will not consider anyone who has been out as long as I have.
Even with a higher education degree, the long-term unemployment gap would be enough to disqualify me from those jobs that require it.
Meanwhile, it seems useless applying to retailers and fast-food restaurants, when they are receiving millions of applications from people of all educational levels and ages. When the bar is set so high, what more can we do?
Even as -- or if -- Washington finally turns its focus to jobs, it isn't likely that whatever comes of it -- assuming anything does -- will do much for the people who have been out of work for longer than six months, let alone two years.
The best job creation plan that might come from Congress will not alter the perceptions by the human resources officer about someone who has been out of work long-term. Nor will a government plan alter the policies of businesses that ignore jobless applicants in favor of those who are already employed.
Unquestionably, there are plenty of arguments to have about what the solution to this problem could be.
But when I look at it from my perspective, I don't see how more quarreling about the problem will help to put an end to it.
The fact is, this latest tussle over the debt ceiling provides no assurance that a way out is forthcoming from Washington. Nor do corporations, which are hoarding profits while operating with obsolete human resources assumptions, lead me to believe that they will invest in the American workforce.
If I had to summarize the message from Washington, Wall Street, and Main Street to the long-term unemployed, it would be, "Sorry, you're on your own. Good luck. And get a job."
For me, and many other long-term unemployed Americans, these facts are demoralizing.
There does not appear to be a clear road out of this morass. Even if there were, it may come too late for millions of people who are overwhelmed by financial troubles due to the loss of income.
And so, people like me are effectively locked out. If I sound cynical about Washington's renewed "focus on jobs," you'll have to forgive me. After three years of futile job hunting, no income, compiled debts, and dejection, optimism is hard to come by.