Friday, November 4, 2011

Herman Cain's Wife Cancels Interview

Gloria Cain Cancels Fox Appearance

politics


As GOP presidential candidate Herman Cain wades his way through a flurry of sexual harassment allegations, his wife has apparently decided that now is not the time to speak on the issue.
The New York Times reports that Gloria Cain has canceled a Friday evening interview with Fox News. She was scheduled to appear on "On the Record with Greta Van Susteren."
Cain hinted a few days ago that his wife would eventually make a media appearance. "You will meet my wife publicly in an exclusive interview that we are currently planning and anticipating, but you won't see my family out on the campaign trail on a day-to-day basis," Cain told Fox News.
Cain's week began on a high note, with news that he was tied with Mitt Romney for the lead in a key Iowa poll. The celebration was short-lived, as Politico released a report Sunday evening accusing the GOP hopeful of sexually harassing two women during his tenure at the National Restaurant Association (NRA).
Adding to Cain's troubles, a third accuser came forward on Wednesday alleging inappropriate conduct on Cain's part.
Despite the controversy, Gloria Cain has stayed by her husband's side. Herman Cain told the APthat she was "still 200 percent supportive of me in this whole race, 200 percent supportive of me as her husband, because I haven't done anything."

Chuck D files $100M class-action suit against label

Click here to read more




LOS ANGELES (TheWrap.com) - Universal Music Group is being asked to pay the piper when it comes to digital licensing -- and the bill could end up being pretty hefty indeed.
Public Enemy frontman Chuck D (born Carlton Douglas Ridenhour) filed a class-action lawsuit against Universal in U.S. District Court in Northern California on Tuesday, alleging that the music giant has short-changed its artists and producers in licensing deals for digital downloads and ringtones.
The suit alleges that Universal owes its artists "hundreds of millions of dollars in royalties" because of the discrepancies.
According to the suit, Universal's artists and producers are entitled to 50 percent of the net receipts from digital downloads and ringtones.
However, the suit alleges, the company has treated such transactions like sales of physical product. Meaning that not only is there a much lower royalty rate involved, but the company makes deductions for things like containers and packaging -- which aren't an issue for digital downloads or ringtones.
The difference, the suit claims, is massive.
According to Ridenhour's claim, under UMG's current method of accounting, artists and producers receive $80.33 for every 1,000 downloads, when the correct amount should be $315.85 per 1,000.
On the ringtone side of things, the discrepancy is even more drastic. The suit claims that UMG's current accounting method yields $49.89 per thousand downloads, as opposed to the $660 per 1,000 that the suit claims is actually owed.
Ridenhour, who claims breach of contract, is demanding a jury trial.
The Public Enemy frontman isn't the only one claiming shenanigans in UMG's accounting. The trust of deceased "Super Freak" singer Rick James has also filed a class-action suit against the company, also claiming that UMG is treating licensing profits as resale profits. Though the company attempted have the complaint dismissed, U.S. District Judge Susan Illston dismissed that motion Tuesday.
TheWrap was unable to reach UMG for comment.

Suit claims black nurses kept from white clients


The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
A Marietta company that provides in-home nursing services is accused of steering black nurses away from the homes of white clients.
Former staffers at Accord Services said the company would describe nurses as “too black, too ethnic, and too old or too ghetto" in deciding whether to send them to a home, according to a federal lawsuit.
"Defendants intentionally discriminated against black applicants and employees, including both African Americans and Africans, in favor of Caucasian and Hispanic applicants and employees," said the lawsuit, which seeks monetary damages.
The four plaintiffs said the "negative stereotyping of blacks created a working environment permeated with hostility towards blacks."
A spokesman for the company, however, said the plaintiffs are simply disgruntled former employees who had either resigned or were fired.
"I read the allegation, and it is completely false," administrator Freddy Allen told Channel 2 Action News. He noted that the company has black nurses who have worked for Accord Services for almost a decade.
The plaintiffs are listed as Erika Arnold, Tracee Goodman, Debra Trawick and Christine Muchene. They claim violations under the U.S. Civil Rights Act.
"You could hear something from,  ‘We can't use a nurse because they were too ghetto,' or ‘This client doesn't prefer foreigners' and ‘Black women are not professional,'" Arnold, a former human resources manager, said in the lawsuit. She was hired in June 2007 and fired in April 2009.
Goodman, another former HR staffer who worked at the company between October 2006 and December 2008, made similar allegations in the 63-page suit.
"Before placing someone in a position, I was blatantly asked in front of a group of people what color is she or how old is she,"  said Goodman, who verified applications and conducted background checks.
Goodman said "race-based" comments were made regularly at staffing meetings, where Accord would express preferences to hire white and Hispanic applicants for nurse and nurse's aide positions.
Trawick, a white office manager who worked at Accord between June and August 2009, said the company openly discussed clients' preferences for white or younger nurses and nurse's aides.
“'You gotta staff him with a WG because you know he doesn’t want a black person,'” Trawick said in recalling comments at meetings. "‘We can’t use her. She is missing a tooth and [is] too ghetto.'”
Muchene, a certified nurse's aide and a Kenyan, said she first applied to Accord in 2007 and every year she was told her application was active and she would be called if a position became available. She said she was never called even after seeing postings for job openings that later would be filled.
Trawick, while she was office manager, said that when she inquired about Muchene's application, she was told the company preferred younger applicants and non-Africans.
Muchene, a permanent legal U.S. resident, filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which issued her a "notice of right to sue."
Allen, however, dismissed the claims.
"All the allegations are coming from a few disgruntled employees who either resigned or we let go," the Accord Services’ administrator told Channel 2.
Allen, who is also black, said if a potential client requests a nurse of a different race the request is denied and the client is referred elsewhere.
An attorney for the plaintiffs says the group wants a jury to decide monetary damages.

Samuel L. Jackson named highest-grossing actor of all time

Samuel L. Jackson named highest-grossing actor of all time
Samuel L. Jackson attends the 'The Mountaintop' press confrence at Brooklyn High School of the Arts on September 19, 2011 in the Brooklyn borough of New York City. (Photo by Astrid Stawiarz/Getty Images)


by Risa Dixon
Clutch Magazine
Samuel L. Jackson has been named the highest-grossing actor of all time by The Guinness Book of World Records, according to the New York Daily News. Jackson, 62, has made over $7.42 billion over the span of his entire career.
Jackson got his big break in 1991 in the Spike Lee film, Jungle Fever. He played the crack head brother of Wesley Snipes. Since then the acclaimed actor has starred in over 100 films such asPulp FictionA Time To KillEve's Bayou and Star Wars. You can see a more extensive list of his movie roles here.
The star does about three to four films a year. He filmed 6 movies in 2010, 4 in 2011 and is already cast for three movies next year in 2012. He is currently starring as Martin Luther King Jr. in the Broadway play, The Mountaintop.
Congrats to Mr. Samuel. This is a well deserved honor.
What's your favorite Samuel L. Jackson movie?

Clarence's Questions, Part 1: The Case Of The Burning Cross

Justice Thomas

politics


WASHINGTON -- Justice Clarence Thomas has not asked a question at a Supreme Court oral argument since Feb. 22, 2006. Many have commented on the meaning of his reticence, and Thomas himself -- who is as loquacious in speaking engagements as he is mum on the bench -- has put forward several explanations for his opting out of the lively back-and-forth among his eight colleagues and the lawyers who appear before them.
But this series is called "Clarence's Questions," and not "Quiet Clarence," for a reason: As his sixth anniversary of self-imposed silence approaches this term and his third decade on the Court begins, it's worth examining the moments when Justice Thomas felt compelled to step into the fray.
Court-watchers know that Thomas is plenty outspoken in his written opinions, where he often argues solely for himself due to his uncompromisingly originalist philosophy. Indeed, most lawyers arguing before him can already surmise how Thomas will vote in their cases, so his silence leaves room for them to address the justices who are more open to persuasion. Yet Thomas' silence has also left many casual observers -- that is, ordinary American citizens -- with the impression that the man either does not care about the cases or cannot intellectually compete with his colleagues.
With help from The Oyez Project at Chicago-Kent, The Huffington Post has compiled a comprehensive audio collection of Thomas' questions, including some "deep cuts" that had been left unattributed in the Court's official transcripts, so that HuffPost readers can hear Thomas and decide for themselves the impact of his silent streak.


* * * * *

Of all the cases in which Justice Thomas has made his voice heard, Virginia v. Black, argued in 2002, was surely the most powerful.
In 1998, Bobby Black led fellow Ku Klux Klan members in the burning of a 30-foot cross near an open stretch of highway in Carroll County, Va. As the cross burned, a county sheriff crashed the rally to arrest Black under a state law making it a felony for anyone to burn a cross "with the intent of intimidating any person or group of persons."
Usually, prosecutors must prove criminal intent. But the cross-burning law removed this requirement by declaring the act itself sufficient evidence of a defendant's intent to intimidate.


Black asserted that this part of the law rendered the ban a violation of free expression under the First Amendment. The trial court convicted Black, but the Virginia Supreme Court agreed with him, striking down the law and throwing out his conviction. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear the case.
Thomas, then in his 11th year on the Court, sat through 20 minutes of Virginia's lawyer, William Hurd, being peppered with questions from the other justices over the nuances of cross-burning by the side of a road. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wanted to know "what evidence, other than the burning itself, was there to show intimidation." Justice Anthony Kennedy asked, "If a burning cross is just put on a hill outside of the city, everybody in the city can be deemed intimidated?" Justice Antonin Scalia compared the burning of a cross to the brandishing of a gun.
And when Deputy U.S. Solicitor General Michael Dreeben stood up to support Virginia's defense of its law, Justices Sandra Day O'Connor, Ginsburg, Kennedy and Scalia all pounced, imploring him to shoehorn cross-burning into the Court's various First Amendment precedents.
Through all these questions, both Dreeben and Hurd tried in vain to convince the justices that cross-burning carries with it "real threats of bodily harm with a specific intent to intimidate" that override any constitutionally protected expressions of bigotry that might be bound up in the action. But the other justices weren't hearing them.
So Thomas spoke up.
Supreme Court justices don't ask questions only to learn from the advocates before them. Often, a justice will use the advocate as a conduit to teach the rest of the Court what that justice already knows. By asking Dreeben if he was "understating the effects of the burning cross," Thomas was trying to amplify Dreeben's unheeded argument that the "signal of violence" conveyed by a burning cross is "like a sword of Damocles hanging over the person whose head has been threatened."
"Threatened," for Thomas, was too light of a term. He reminded his colleagues, through Dreeben, that the cross-burning ban, passed in 1952, was meant to address "almost 100 years of lynching and activity in the South" by the KKK and other hate groups that even the then-still-segregated state of Virginia found repugnant.
"This was a reign of terror," Thomas told Dreeben, "and the cross was a symbol of that reign of terror."
And on this topic, Thomas spoke with the moral authority of one who has felt the presence of that sword himself. He is the current Court's lone African-American justice as well as its sole Southerner. In his memoir, "My Grandfather's Son," Thomas reflected on growing up in the segregated South. African Americans in Savannah, Ga., he wrote, "so firmly accepted" their second-class status "that no unpleasantness was needed to enforce it." Still, hints of terror were never far away, even coming from his classmates in the integrated Catholic seminaries he attended for high school and the first year of college.
Ultimately, Thomas made little impact with insistence from the bench that a burning cross was "unlike any symbol in our society" and could therefore not be fit into the Court's prior First Amendment jurisprudence. Indeed, the justices returned to doing just that almost immediately after he made his point.
And the Court's decision, handed down in April 2003, struck down Virginia's cross-burning ban and vacated Black's conviction. Thomas, writing in dissent, alone held that the ban as written passed constitutional muster. For him, the statute prohibited "only conduct, not expression."
"Just as one cannot burn down someone's house to make a political point and then seek refuge in the First Amendment," Thomas concluded, "those who hate cannot terrorize and intimidate to make their point."
Justice Thomas has never hesitated to speak only for himself on the wide range of issues that come before the Court. But when looking for a reason why he has ceased asking questions from the bench, Virginia v. Black may hold the seeds of an answer. There the issue was not just an abstract point of law. It was personal. And no one listened.

Thursday, November 3, 2011

African American children in Mennonite families bridge two worlds



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Dec 26, 2011 (The Philadelphia Inquirer - McClatchy-Tribune Information Services via COMTEX) -- Janelle and Jasmine Newswanger lead simple, contented lives in one of Pennsylvania's Mennonite communities.
The 17-year-old twins drive a horse-drawn buggy, wear long dresses and white head coverings, and see their friends at church on Sundays.
Done with education at 14, after finishing eighth grade, Jasmine works as a teacher's aide, and Janelle helps her mother around the house, speaking Pennsylvania Dutch and English.
The girls blend in with the people in their lives, set apart in only one way.
Janelle and Jasmine are African American.
They are among about 100 children, most of them black, born to women who were incarcerated at Pennsylvania prisons and sent by their mothers to Mennonite foster families in Central Pennsylvania as part of an informal caretaking program. About 29 remain in Mennonite homes.
The children navigate two worlds as they grow up in white insular cultures.
Some, like Janelle and Jasmine, have been with Mennonite families for years and ultimately adopted. Others continue in a temporary status as their birth mothers struggle with addiction, the law, and their parenting roles.
These young lives upend and bend notions of community, family, identity -- and what makes a happy, healthy childhood when birth parents are unavailable.
The popular image of Mennonites is of stoic, white followers in the countryside. Yet blacks, originally recruited by missionaries, have been in the flock for years, including in Philadelphia and other cities.
In 1897, the first African Americans in the United States were baptized as Mennonites and joined a Juniata County church, said historian Tobin Miller Shearer, a Mennonite and assistant professor of history at the University of Montana who studies interactions between white and African American Mennonites.
Now, he said, "There seems to be a predilection, or at least a tendency, for conservative white Mennonites to be engaged in the practice of adoption across race lines."
Good intentions fuel the caretaking, Shearer said, but, "Hosts are not equipped themselves to equip their children to live within a racist society."
Debate roils around transracial adoptions and fostering in general. Are youngsters better served by going to a permanent home as soon as possible, or by waiting for a same-race household? That question also hovers over the children from the Philadelphia region who live in rural Pennsylvania.
Ruth Newswanger and her husband are Old Order Mennonites who shun cars, TVs, computers, and cellphones at their Cumberland County home.
Jasmine and Janelle's birth mother, a Philadelphian, was in prison elsewhere in the state when the girls were born and the Newswangers got a call from a church friend involved in the prison ministry. Would they care for the babies?
The Newswangers, who have four biological children, said yes, acting on their belief that "you should share what you have," Ruth, 55, said.
The twins twice returned briefly to their biological mother, the second time for a year when they were about 21/2 years old. Relatives sent them back both times.
When the Newswangers finally adopted them two years ago, the girls were elated.
"We could write our last name Newswanger," Jasmine said.
Along with their name, they share a daily routine.
"We milk cows every morning and every evening. We also did some discing this year," Jasmine said, referring to farm equipment that prepares soil for planting.
One evening, the twins and Ruth were preparing dinner. "Janelle, du wenig mei nei." Put in a little more, Ruth said, and Janelle added baked beans to the spaghetti soup.
Before dinner, the girls went to a market owned by the family of some friends. The friends, two white sisters, and the twins instantly smiled when they saw each other, and all four began chattering and giggling.
Janelle and Jasmine were the only black children at school, which didn't bother them.
"We had each other," Janelle said.
"Everyone was used to seeing us," said Jasmine, so no one treated them differently.
"I seem like everyone else. I don't think about it," she said, "I just think about having friends."
The Newswangers tried to be race-sensitive as they raised the two -- they gave them black dolls and books with African Americans pictured in them. A black woman who lived in the area befriended the girls, Ruth said. They see other African American children who live with Mennonite families at church and social gatherings, and they keep in touch with their birth family.
The sisters described one visit about seven years ago, when hair styles entangled their two worlds during a visit with their grandmother, aunt, and two half-sisters.
Jasmine and Janelle normally wear their hair pulled back in a bun, common among Mennonite women. Their Philadelphia aunt braided their hair into tight cornrows.
"They thought it would be fun," Janelle said.
It wasn't fun. It hurt.
What's most important to the twins' biological grandmother, Margaret Garris of West Philadelphia, is not their hair style.
"They are happy and healthy," Garris said. "That's the main thing."
Garris talks regularly over the phone with her granddaughters and sees them once or twice a year. The girls know about their African American culture because they know their birth family, she said, adding that one of their half-sisters talks to them about black history.
Still, Janelle and Jasmine know little about slavery or the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. His name is familiar, they said, though they know nothing about him.
The twins do not see black history as relevant.
"To our own life?," Jasmine asked. "No, I don't think so."
They said they had not felt prejudice themselves, and they chuckled about how their young nephew asked whether their arms were brown because they were left in the oven too long -- a connection he made based on what happens when cookie dough is overbaked.
The girls' limited grasp of African American history does not overly worry Richard Gelles, dean of the University of Pennsylvania's School of Social Policy and Practice: "There's a general lack of knowledge about the civil rights movement whether you're black, white, or green."
But their happiness is a good sign. Research shows it is developmentally healthier for children to be in permanent homes as soon as possible, he said, no matter the race of the family.
"It is important for a child to be able to know he or she has someone who will be there for him or her in an unqualified relationship."
The girls feel that way about their Mennonite family.
Asked whether they loved their birth mother, they hesitantly said they did, explaining, "We're supposed to like everyone."
Do they love Ruth? Immediately, the twins enthusiastically nodded yes.
A white Mennonite family can raise a healthy black child, said Toni Oliver, vice president of the National Association of Black Social Workers. But race does matter in America.
"We make decisions about people's value and capabilities based on race."
If these children are racially isolated, she said, they have no role models to counter negative images and stereotypes of blacks.
Joseph Crumbley, an expert in transracial adoptions and fostering, doubted the girls would always be around tolerant Mennonites.
"If they're going to stay in that bubble, then fine," he said. "Once they leave that bubble, they're still looked at as African American children."
Autumn Stauffer has thought a lot about family, community, and identity. It took much of her 39 years to be comfortable with who she is and to figure out the purpose God had for her as a black child growing up in a white Mennonite home.
She is now married to a white man in Shippensburg, Pa. The Mennonite couple have five biological daughters, one adopted Guatemalan son, and two African American foster sons whose mothers were in Philadelphia's Riverside Correctional Facility. The Stauffers use a car, computer, and cellphones.
Autumn was born Brenda Jo Lyons to a 15-year-old white mother and an 18-year-old black father in Kentucky. "In 1972 in the South, that was a no-no," she said.
Her father went into the military. Her mother and aunt tried to raise her, but her mother soon gave her up to the foster system.
When she was 21 months old, a Mennonite couple in Kentucky, Elam and Ella Mae Weaver, made her a part of their family. That time, she found a home. Her new parents changed her name to Autumn Joy Weaver and raised her in their faith.
Even as she built friendships with some classmates at her Mennonite school in Kentucky, others lobbed racial comments.
"They called me a nigger a lot, and I didn't know what that meant," she said.
Ella Mae Weaver, new to racial prejudice, and, Autumn guessed, not wanting to provoke a confrontation, told her daughter: "When they say 'nigger' to you, what they really mean is 'Negro,' " and there's nothing wrong with being a Negro.
Autumn still felt the sting.
When she turned 15, she wanted to find her birth family.
"Surely, with my other family it was going to be better."
She walked to town but quickly returned home, accomplishing little more than scaring everyone. But from then on, her adoptive mother "started really talking about what was inside me, how I felt, and why."
When Autumn was 19, she had a revelation during a church mission to Ghana.
After she testified about her faith, some Ghanaians protested. Everyone knows God is for white people, they said. As she explained her beliefs, she understood she was to be a teacher of faith to blacks who felt disconnected.
During another trip to Ghana, Autumn met her future husband, Justin, 38. Though his parents supported his marrying an African American woman, others expressed concern.
"People didn't say it would be bad, but they wanted him to be aware that she could birth a browner baby," Autumn said. "He was like, 'And?' "
As a married couple, they moved to Maryland, had one child, and then moved to Pennsylvania, where their other biological children were born.
Autumn sometimes sees her childhood in her foster sons -- Malachi, 8, and Mikal, 3. She thanks God for the Weavers but is glad she is more aware of racial issues.
Autumn teaches them at home, which she and her husband do to save money and because their congregation does not have a school.
Malachi sat on the short ledge bordering a public playground one day after classes and said he didn't really remember his mother, who is from South Jersey. When he was about 2, Autumn took him to visit her in the Riverside Correctional Facility. For his third birthday, his mother, still at Riverside, sent him a card and a toy milk truck. When he was 4, he and Autumn visited his biological grandmother, aunts, uncles, and cousins in New Jersey over the July 4 holiday.
His biological half-sister lives with a Mennonite family about a 40-minute drive away, so he sees her a few times a year when the two families get together.
Autumn still takes Mikal to Philadelphia for monthly visits with his birth mother.
Malachi wonders about his biological relatives. "I just want to see them again -- they're really nice."
He doesn't think he feels different from the boys and girls around him, though some children from a Mennonite church the family doesn't attend have said mean things.
Malachi looked down toward the playground's shredded blue rubber surface and lowered his voice. "They say, 'You have ugly black skin.' " Malachi shrugged when asked his reply. "They just don't play with me."
Said Autumn, standing nearby, "I always hoped my own kids wouldn't face things like that. But I told myself, 'They will.' "
She has warned her children that people might say unkind things about their skin color, that the words will sting, that the they should tell Autumn and Justin how they feel when it happens.
The parents also advise them to walk away from those situations or calmly ask the other person, "What is it about me that you just can't accept? You know color is only skin deep.' "
As she talked, Autumn seemed to feel pangs from her past.
"In God's eyes, we're all the same. There is no race," she said. "Of course, when you look around, there are all kinds of colors. In the real world, there is a difference. It's not always easy when the difference is you."
Autumn Stauffer talks about being black and Mennonite at www.philly.com/
Mennonite
Contact staff writer Carolyn Davis at 215-854-4214, cdavis@phillynews.com, or @carolyntweets on Twitter.
___ (c)2011 The Philadelphia Inquirer Visit The Philadelphia Inquirer at
www.philly.com Distributed by MCT Information Services
 

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Soul food is killing black America

A new documentary seeks to expose an entire eating culture.

NYDailyNews.com


A new documentary by Byron Hurt exposes the harms of Southern cuisine



"Soul Food Junkies" is a documentary being made by Byron Hurt; he is presently raising money to finish it. My own nickname for him is “Braveheart” because of his willingness to bring complexity to issues that affect black people first, but are bound to become troubling to the country at large because they are not the result of genetics. They are the result of exploitation or misunderstanding.
Hurt first deserved his “Braveheart” nickname after doing a surprisingly serious film about the decadence at the center of the hip-hop phenomenon. It was called “Hip Hop: Beyond Beats and Rhymes.” Though an admitted fan of early hip hop, Hurt was disturbed as the so-called music moved away from community awareness and was taken over by hustlers who reached to the bottom of the barrel for profit-making material that could be placed on the auction block of popular culture.
The black male was now a “darkie” recognized by his gold teeth and tattoos — and a frown that opened up as the mouth spread loads of filth.
The integrity and deep human feeling of Hurt’s documentary never became the big subject one would have expected, but integrity and deep human feeling are no longer expected from those examining black popular culture, or making big profit from it.
It turned out to be all right for the hustlers, but things are now beginning to heat up against the minstrel misogyny of hip hop on black websites like The Grio.
The one Hurt is now working on — “Soul Food Junkies” — may hit the target much more quickly when finished and released. It might become as well discussed as Morgan Spurlock’s 2004 documentary “Super Size Me,” which was an explosive revelation about the toxic fast food industry.
Hurt is like a combination of Spurlock and the writer Upton Sinclair, whose 1906 “The Jungle” exposed the filthy meatpacking industry and led to the Pure Food and Drug Act. While Sinclair was essentially a well-meaning hack, Hurt is an actual artist who understands the importance of nuance and complexity. Those qualities run through the hour of his film that I have seen. It is humorous, soulful and well aware of how hard it is to change when what one is addicted to is not only certain kinds of food but food made to taste truly delicious.
His interviews with street people, ministers, chefs, dietians, writers, academics and cooks gives heft to the tale. At the center of it is the grief felt by Hurt, his sister and his mother over the death of his father, who was a good man but too in love with bad food to change his habits.
This is a common problem. There is no joke in the film about the frightening degrees of black illness from consuming too much ethnic food dripping in grease and containing too much fat, sugar and butter. Worst of all, people consume too many ethnic imitations in fast food places that are so prevalent in black and Latin neighborhoods.
Thus, minorities contract diabetes and suffer from heart diseases in disproportionate numbers. That alone costs the American economy enough to be concerned about what people eat and why.
Byron Hurt’s new project is another example of how well this year is ending, regardless of all of the problems smearing almost everything in our American lives. Those interested in contributing money for him to finish “Soul Food Junkies” can reach Hurt through Kickstarter and learn more about what he has done and what he is presently doing.
crouch.stanley@gmail.com


Read more: http://www.nydailynews.com/opinion/soul-food-killing-black-america-article-1.996302#ixzz1hqXH6DGv

GOP pollster makes Herman Cain accusation

By JONATHAN MARTIN


Chris Wilson | Photo Courtesy Wilson, Perkins Allen Opinion Research
A veteran Republican pollster and former National Restaurant Association employee said Wednesday morning that Herman Cain sexually harassed a woman at an Arlington, Va., restaurant in the late 1990s.
Chris Wilson, now the principal of an Oklahoma-based GOP consulting firm, said in an interview on Oklahoma City's KTOK radio station that the episode took place in the neighborhood where Cain kept an apartment when he headed the restaurant trade group.
"This occurred at a restaurant in Crystal City (Virginia), and everybody was aware of it," Wilson said on the station. "It was only a matter of time because so many people were aware of what took place, so many people were aware of her situation, the fact she left — everybody knew with the campaign that this would eventually come up."
In an interview with POLITICO, Wilson said he was present for the episode and that it took place in the late '90s.
Wilson declined to say specifically what Cain said or did to the woman, but that the CEO's actions made other individuals at the table uneasy.
"It was very uncomfortable," said the pollster, recalling that other individuals present asked Cain to stop.
Wilson said there were at least three other people at the gathering but wouldn't share the name of the woman for publication.
The Cain campaign didn't respond to an email asking if they had a comment on the incident.
Wilson is a Rick Perry supporter and does polling for a Super PAC that supports the Texas governor's presidential bid.
The pollster requested that POLITICO make clear that he has not shared this story with any of his clients and that he was not the source for the original story Sunday on the two women who complained about Cain at the association.
Read more: http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1111/67473.html#ixzz1caIY3hVr